You are not logged in.

Users Online:
Good and Bad, Liberal and Radical: Naison's Communists in Harlem During the Depression PDF Print E-mail
User Rating: / 0
PoorBest 
Politics
Written by Michael Alan Reuben   
Sunday, 01 February 2009 00:19

When looking at the organizing the Communist party accomplished in Harlem during the Depression it is important to designate what constitutes as victories and goals. During this period, the party displayed two very similar yet distinct goals; complete overthrow of the capitalist system and the racism inherent to it, and a general progression towards equality and justice for all (economically and racially). When one distinguishes these two aspects of the party the accomplishments and failures, successes and failures, are more greatly illuminated.

Following the basic party line, established long before the Comintern, but solidified by its doctrines, the party strived for a complete overthrow of America’s capitalist system. The party was very effective in directing this rhetoric towards the African-American population of Harlem. Soapbox speakers and street rallies presented the theories of racism based in capitalism well to those passing. It was not the talk that was the greatest strength of the party in its early days in Harlem. The discipline the organization demanded of its comrades impressed many. Since the Comintern decided its program for the “Negro Question” in 1928, then updated it in 1930, the need for struggle shoulder to shoulder with white workers was demanded. The talk was not enough for the people of Harlem. It was when the party took drastic steps, which demanded full cooperation from party members that African-Americans began to shift their attitudes. The “white chauvinists” trials forced not just the white members but also the African-American spectators the parties line in terms of race relations. It was when direct action of whites against whites was taken that trust began to form around the Party. They were beginning their move from just talk to action. It was even more action that cemented Communist dedication to the “Negro Question.” The evictions that came increasingly as the Depression continued offered white Party members another opportunity to prove their beliefs. As the evictions progressed it was white party members that protected and returned the furniture of the victims. White party members fought with police protecting the notice of eviction. It was white party members that risked arrest in defense of the slogan “No Wages, No Rent.” When African-Americans witnessed the lengths white radicals were willing to go based on Communist ideals, again the Parties support rose greatly. Action allowed Communists to gain a foothold in Harlem in their quest for revolution.

One of the greatest barriers Communists were forced to overcome was not a weakness but a relic that remained in the ideology of Harlem. Marcus Garvey’s calls for separation of the races and African independence lingered in the hearts of the most radical of the neighborhood. It was overcoming the obstacle of racial consciousness in lieu of class-consciousness that was detrimental. Unable to ever sway the most radical of Garvey’s followers, the Communists lost many valuable soldiers in the fight against Capitalism. The other great weakness of the organization was the negative side of its greatest strength. The discipline the party demanded was too great to encourage a great increase in membership. Though the numbers of supporters swelled when the people witnessed the determination of Communist, membership totals only grew minimally. Communist inability to reconcile the discipline demanded by the party to the people of Harlem was their greatest failure in the struggle for revolutionary activity.

As party line shifted due to the threats of fascism and as party leadership introduced personal philosophies into party strategy. Coalitions were formed on general topics of social reform. Issue-based organizing replaced Communist demands for a revolution. The Scottsboro cases displayed the foundations of this strategy. Beginning to shy away from copious amounts of Communist propaganda and focusing attention of the masses with the events at hand while slowly influencing minds with Communist theories, the party began reaching others. For many the Communists, in one form or another, represented the defense of the Scottsboro boys and therefore the fight against lynching, legal or illegal. In Harlem, this forced many organizations that earlier avoided relationships with the Party to join forces. This strategy was improved in building the United Front against Fascism. Putting Communist rhetoric on the side and focusing on the issues at hand, Communists were able to direct organizations that gained mass support towards goals that better represented their general vision of racial equality. When the impending invasion of Ethiopia by Italian Fascist forces spurred actions from every corner of Harlem life, the Party was able to effectively build a coalition that pointed to capitalism as the ultimate enemy of not just the people of Ethiopia but also people struggling for justice all over the world. The party was able to work in strong coalitions that made real progress for social change, when they put revolution to the side and worked on the issues that affected Harlemites the most. This is when the Party was able to make its greatest strides in Harlem towards its post-revolutionary social vision.

The greatest weaknesses of the Party’s move toward immediate results both spring from the time when it moved to these goals. It missed an important time to organize in this fashion, but it also alienated many organizations while it pushed its revolutionary platform. The first four years of the Great Depression created an atmosphere, that was ripe for organizing for reforms. Not reaching the revolutionary spirit the party salivated over, America, and particularly Harlem, was ready for changes. The Party though was not ready to work with the people for those changes. It was not in the party’s interests in the years before the Scottsboro case and the revision of Comintern policies fearing fascist movements to move towards these campaigns. The campaign for the party was set as revolution. They alienated organizations that had reformist goals that they would later join. This was the greatest weakness the party was forced to overcome in building both the Popular Front and the United Front. Competition with the churches and the NAACP remained a problem well after the Scottsboro case began to unite African-Americans in Harlem. After years of antichurch rhetoric, it was only after dramatic changes that support began to flow from these important institutions. First was a general turn from vehement rhetoric. James Ford commented on this situation when prodded, that if people use religion to frame a revolutionary spirit it is not worth splitting religion from the people. In addition, a rise in charismatic young church leaders that were supportive of socialist and even communist ideas leant support to the Party; most notable was Adam Clayton Powell Jr., who played an important role in many activities of the Party during its most productive periods. Furthermore it was only when support for Party activities could not be avoided did they receive support from some of the organizations they alienated the most. Especially when looking at the growth of the Negro National Congress, this is most evident. Organizations that were most alienated by the Party at the beginning of the Depression participated in the NNC. Garveyites attended its founding meeting. Even the NAACP, which was most alienated by the Party, criticized for being puppets of the capitalist class, even through the Scottsboro cases, sent delegates though national leadership, namely Walter White. If the Party was able to avoid its early discrepancies, therefore avoiding alienation of important allies and losing valuable time in organizing, the Party could have provided a much greater force for racial change not just in Harlem but the whole of the United States.